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[B] OPINION: Contrasting Fortunes Of US, UK Farmers Are Rooted In Politics
Updated Tues Jan  18, 2000 
 

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THE BridgeNews FORUM: A series of viewpoints on farming,
farm policy and related agricultural issues.
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* Washington Maintains A Double Standard On Farm Supports


By David Walker, agricultural economist
Bridge News
NORWICH, England--The contrast between the messages of British
Agriculture Minister Nick Brown and US Under Secretary of Agriculture August
Schumacher to the recent Oxford Farming Conference was very striking, and
equally depressing for the predominantly British farm audience.

While Schumacher spoke of further emergency aid in the political pipeline
for US farmers, Brown related his plans for redirecting current funding from
farm support to rural development programs.

To put the two messages into context, it is useful to compare the state
of agriculture in the two farm economies.

Last year appears to have been at least a reasonable one for American
farmers. Net farm income, at $48.1 billion, was 105 percent of the 10-year US
average for the 1990s. In contrast, Britain's total income from farming,
equivalent to the American measure of farm income, was 2.25 billion pounds
($3.71 billion), 47 percent of the 10-year average. The previous year it had
also been less than half the 10-year average.

Looking forward to the current year, US net farm income is projected to
fall to $40.4 billion, 88 percent of the 10-year average. Most of the decline
is based on a planned cut in farm assistance of $5.5 billion, to $17.2
billion. A cut of this size in a presidential election year, however, appears
from this side of the Atlantic to be politically ambitious.

British farmers face a very different prospect. Under the European
Union's Agenda 2000 proposals, market support for most commodities is being
reduced significantly over the next two years. For grain, the cut will be 15
percent, with only about half of this offset by increases in decoupled
acreage payments. The situation for livestock producers, if anything, looks
even grimmer.

But what is probably more frustrating to British farmers is their
government's response to what even it agrees has been the most difficult time
for farmers in more than 60 years.

Assistance announced on the eve of the annual September Labor Party
conference, at which British farmers were planning demonstrations, totaled
150 million pounds in new money rather than the 500 million pounds widely
reported by the press at the time. It included 60 million pounds for a
one-year extension of a hill farm program, an 89 million-pound waiver of a 7
pound-per-head fee for cattle passports and certain inspection fees, and 1
million pounds for marketing support.

If this was not bad enough, Brown announced in early December plans to
switch farm spending ''from production aids to support for the broader rural
economy.'' Over seven years, 1.6 billion pounds is to be spent, with part of
the funds being diverted from income support to what seem to be mainly
environmental programs.

The British farmer can surely be excused for being envious of his
American counterparts. The reality is that American agriculture is riding the
downturn in commodity markets not through any agricultural skills but through
its ability to pull the right strings in Washington.

Britain's Labor government represents an urban constituency. That its
agriculture minister has no farm or rural background illustrates this. Its
priorities for agriculture stretch to food safety and the environment. Even
the continued existence of a Ministry of Agriculture is rumored to be in
doubt.

Equally, the British farmer can probably be forgiven for questioning the
American government's commitment to trade liberalization. He is told by his
agriculture minister that no meaningful help is possible because of Europe's
commitments to the World Trade Organization, among other things.

Yet he sees US agriculture living high on the hog through the largesse
of a government that is even at the same time demanding Europe give further
ground. The advocacy of decoupled, green-box, non-trade distorting
programs, as opposed to the good, old-fashioned market support programs
practiced to farmers' advantage in Europe for so long, sound like so much
hypocrisy to the British farmer. And almost certainly to most farmers in the
other 14 states of the European Union.

The Agenda 2000 program for reform of the EU's Common Agricultural
Policy, developed over more than two years and approved in March 1999, was
designed to be something of a line in the sand for the current WTO round. The
political reality is that it will require a turn in the tide of farm
commodity markets to wash out that line.

There are, therefore, probably two options for the farm trade
liberalizers of the world. Take what is offered now and no doubt come back
for more later. Or wait for the tide to turn. End

DAVID WALKER, an agricultural economist, lives on his family's farm
outside Norwich, England. He recently served as senior economist in London
for the Home-Grown Cereals Authority and previously was executive director of
the Alberta Grain Commission in Canada. His views are not necessarily those
of Bridge News, whose ventures include the Internet site http://www.bridge.com/.

OPINION ARTICLES and letters to the editor are welcome. Send submissions
to Sally Heinemann, editorial director, Bridge News, 3 World Financial
Center, 200 Vesey St., 28th Floor, New York, N.Y. 10281-1009. You may also
call (212) 372-7510, fax (212) 372-2707 or send e-mail to opinion@bridge.com.

EDITORS: A color photo of the author is available from KRT Photo Service.

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